ISSUE 29

15 - 21. 05. 2023

• Security situation update
• Zelenskyy's European tour as preparation for the G7 and NATO summits
• The Register of Damages as part of the compensation mechanism 
  
• Restoring the industrial potential of Ukraine: A real but difficult task
• The processes against Russian presence in Ukraine's energy sector have begun 
• Deportation of Crimean Tatars through the prism of the Russian invasion of Ukraine

You can find a PDF version of this issue suitable for printing at the bottom of the newsletter.

The situation in and around Bakhmut remains critical, with Russia’s “PMC Wagner” claiming that the city is under its full control. The announcement by Wagner leader Yevgeniy Prigozhin that his troops had finally pushed the Ukrainians out of the last built-up area inside the city if confirmed, would amount to claiming Moscow’s first big prize for more than ten months. However, Ukrainian military leadership denies the reports, saying that some units of the Air Assault Forces, including the 93rd brigade, remain on the outskirts of the fully-destroyed city. According to Ukraine, the Armed Forces of Ukraine (AFU) control a small area of the southwestern part of Bakhmut around the T0504 highway. The Institute for the Study of War considers the Ukrainian forces' statement to be a silent admission that Russian forces control the rest of the western and northwestern parts of Bakhmut, if not all of Bakhmut. 

Intensive fighting continues around other locations of the frontline, including in Zaporizhzhia, Kherson, and Kharkiv regions. Russian forces continuously shell border areas in Chernihiv, Sumy, and Kharkiv regions. In addition to its land campaign, Russia has increased the intensity of daily missile attacks on Ukrainian civilian and military infrastructure. On 22 May, multiple missiles and unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) hit the Dnipro city. An emergency services worker was injured, and over 20 pieces of equipment belonging to the State Emergency Service of Ukraine were destroyed by the attack. Damages in some industrial and residential areas, as well as severe injuries to more civilians, were reported. Russian air strikes in May have been happening almost every night, in an apparent move to identify and exhaust Ukraine’s air defense potential. One of the successes of Russian propaganda was the reported destruction of the Patriot system near Kyiv with a hypersonic Kinzhal missile. And while Ukraine admitted the damage to the air defense system, it was considered to be not critical, allowing it to continue functioning, according to the US officials.   

Amongst significant developments of this week is the political announcement of the creation of a coalition of states ready to provide Ukraine with the F-16 aircraft. It already includes the UK, the Netherlands, Belgium, Denmark, the United States, and Portugal. This long-expected move has finally been approved by the US and the framework was voiced by President Zelenskyy on a visit to the G7 summit in Japan. Aircraft are to be delivered under the condition that they will not be used for direct attacks over Russian territory. The High Representative of the EU for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy Josep Borrell expressed hope that the delivery of F-16 fighter jets to Ukraine will begin soon and confirmed that pilot training has already begun.  

ANALYSIS

Notwithstanding the current situation and possible temporary loss of Bakhmut for the AFU, this battle, which lasted one year, will remain one of the milestones in Russia’s war against Ukraine. As military observer Oleksiy Melnyk correctly suggests, both sides publicly state the military expediency of the battles for Bakhmut with the justification of military expediency: to restrain and maximally weaken the enemy's combat capabilities, including, first of all, manpower. The term "Bakhmut meat grinder" characterizes independent estimates of casualties and expenses, showing that the Russian side paid an exorbitant price, even without counting the "cheap" mercenaries recruited from jails by PMC Wagner. It was after several months of intense fighting for Bakhmut that the first signals were voiced about the lack of artillery ammunition to satisfy the usual demand of 20,000 shells per day. The Ukrainian army is preparing to prevent further advancement of Russian troops in this direction.

Ukraine is reportedly also continuing preparations for a counteroffensive. Breaking Russia’s defense is an extraordinary task, as over the past year Russia has adapted its tactics during the war, and a more structured, coordinated, and reactive armed force has emerged. Main Intelligence Directorate (GUR) representative Vadym Skibitskyi stated that the recent uptick in Russian drone and missile strikes, as well as artillery strikes along the entire frontline, are intended to disrupt Ukrainian counteroffensive plans and preparations. According to Skibitskyi, having depleted a significant portion of their missile arsenal — nearly 900 missiles during the fall and winter — the Russians have managed to establish production lines to replenish their supplies despite sanctions. The debris of the missiles used by the aggressor contains data showing that they were produced in the first quarter of 2023. Currently, in a month, Russians are able to produce about twenty-five ‘Kalibr’ and thirty-five Kh-101 cruise missiles, and also five 9M723 ballistic missiles for ‘Iskander-M’ and two ‘Kinzhal’ ballistic missiles. Thus, Russians manage to bring in components for the production of missile weapons, despite international sanctions. With limited ground forces, Russia is likely to rely on its air strike capabilities, and is allegedly creating a new "elite" attack aircraft group, codenamed Storm, to operate over the territory of Ukraine. Ukraine continues to coordinate with its partners on possible options for a counteroffensive, and strengthening air and missile defense is still the top priority. “Ground systems – from MANPADS to powerful batteries – and missiles for them are always in focus”, confirmed Ukrainian Defense Minister Olekesii Reznikov. This would be the main topic for the upcoming meeting of the Ukraine Defense Contact Group in Ramstein format.

On 13-15 May, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy visited Italy, Germany, France, and the United Kingdom. In Rome, Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni assured continued military aid, supported the Ukrainian Peace Formula and the strengthening of Ukraine's cooperation with NATO, and confirmed that Italy would facilitate Kyiv's integration into the EU. During an audience with the head of the Catholic Church, Pope Francis, Zelenskyy asked the Pope to condemn Russian crimes in Ukraine, as "there can be no equality between the victim and the aggressor," and invited him to join the implementation of the Ukrainian Peace Formula. In Berlin, German Chancellor Olaf Scholz announced a record military aid package of €2.7 billion (including 12 IRIS-T SLS launchers, 4 IRIS-T SLM anti-aircraft missile systems, 30 Leopard 1A5 main battle tanks, 20 Marder infantry fighting vehicles, and 18 wheeled howitzers) and supported the European integration of Ukraine. French President Emmanuel Macron promised that France would improve Ukraine's air defense system, provide dozens of armored vehicles and AMX-10RC wheeled tanks, and train several battalions of Ukrainian soldiers. Meanwhile, British Prime Minister Rishi Sunak announced that London would provide hundreds of attack drones with a range of over 200 kilometers, start training Ukrainian pilots this summer, and work with other countries to provide F-16s to Ukraine. Ukraine's Foreign Minister Dmytro Kuleba said a "fighter jet coalition" would be formed in 2023. On 20 May, US National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan confirmed that Washington would join the "fighter jet coalition" and train Ukrainian pilots with European allies. President Zelenskyy also traveled to Japan for the G7 summit (19-21 May), where he met with the leaders of all seven countries, heads of the European Commission and the European Council, and for the first time, with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Zelenskyy emphasized the necessity to implement the Ukrainian peace formula, thanked the partners for political support and weapons supply, and stressed the necessity of further supplies, including the F-16 jets.

ANALYSIS

Zelenskyy's European tour became an important diplomatic step of Kyiv to strengthen Ukraine's position before a counteroffensive (at the tactical level) and to develop a common foreign policy strategy among the allies regarding Ukraine (at the strategic level). European leaders announced new military aid packages, support on the way to the EU and NATO, and the start of training of Ukrainian pilots. These are essential for the successful de-occupation of Ukrainian lands and for Ukraine to obtain membership in Western alliances. A series of high-level talks also made it possible to coordinate positions before the G7 meeting and the NATO summit in Vilnius. These events are the most important ones that will determine the West's strategy toward Moscow and Beijing. For Kyiv, the main objectives are a clear algorithm for joining NATO, security guarantees, arms supplies, sanctions pressure on Moscow, and economic support for Ukraine.   

An important matter in the dialogue with partners is the creation of a "fighter jet coalition," including the supply of F-16s, which Kyiv has been actively promoting for more than six months. Although the UK does not have F-16 jets, it has agreed to train Ukrainian pilots. This is a significant step. The high quality of training of the Ukrainian personnel will be an additional argumentation to convince partners who are still hesitant about the decision to deliver modern military aircraft to Ukraine. According to the British Prime Minister, London wants to become a major part of the future "aircraft coalition" by helping other countries deliver their jets to Ukraine. For example, the Netherlands has about 60 F-16s in its military arsenal.  

However, they have yet to make any decision and are currently in talks with Britain. Belgium, Denmark, and Poland are also involved in negotiations. Germany, on the other hand, has stated that it will not join the coalition. In total, 25 countries in the world have F-16 aircraft. The United States has the largest number of them. In this context, the White House's decision to join the "fighter jet coalition" is crucial.  The transfer of Western fighter jets to Ukraine will be discussed further at a meeting of NATO defense ministers before the Alliance summit in June. 

Thus, political consent to create a "fighter jet coalition" among European leaders and the US support for this signals an increasing probability that Kyiv will receive fighter jets. 

On 17 May during the Council of Europe Summit in Reykjavik, the Register of Damage Caused by the Aggression of the Russian Federation Against Ukraine was established through an Enlarged Partial Agreement. It is a tool to create a list of damages to Ukraine, its citizens, and enterprises, and the amounts of these compensations ready when Ukraine wins the war. So far, forty member states of the Council of Europe, the US, and Japan have joined the Agreement. The final resolution of the Summit also expressed support for Zelenskyy’s Peace Formula and the progress towards the establishment of a special tribunal for the crime of aggression.

ANALYSIS

Countries in which Russian state and private frozen assets are located are looking for ways to seize and distribute these assets to Ukraine as a state, as well as individual Ukrainian persons and enterprises victims of Russian aggression. The Council of Europe (CoE), with reference to the UN General Assembly Resolution A/RES/ES-11/5 of 14 November 2022 “Furtherance of remedy and reparation for aggression against Ukraine”, has created the Register as a component of a future international comprehensive compensation mechanism to “serve as a record, in documentary form, of evidence and claims information on damage, loss or injury caused to all natural and legal persons concerned, as well as the State of Ukraine”. The Register will be entirely digital and people would be able to report submit their reports via the electronic database, which is expected to become operational by the end of this year. It won’t be necessary for persons to actually go through a procedure of proving the exact causation of the harm, but only that it has been caused by the war, as it would not be possible otherwise. The Register will be for an initial period of three years and will have its seat in The Hague, with a satellite office in Ukraine.

Ukraine’s prime minister Denys Shmyhal invited other states, from all corners of the world, to join the Register of Damage as a sign of support for Russia's accountability for its war against Ukraine. He added that “the Register is an important milestone on the road to justice and reparations for Ukraine and the Ukrainians who have suffered so much from this war.” The increase in the number of signatories will demonstrate that the seizure and distribution of Russian funds is the will of the global community. Currently, six CoE member states - Azerbaijan, Armenia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Hungary, Serbia, and Turkey did not join; while Andorra, Bulgaria, and Switzerland have expressed their intentions to join.

The international nature of the agreement outlines that the Register will be operated by an international structure. There are no specifics on the funding sources, calculation of the amount of compensation, and payment processes yet. Deputy Minister of Justice of Ukraine stated that “the next stage is the creation of the Commission, which, on the basis of data from the Register, will award sums to be paid to the victims, and the source of such payments should primarily be Russian assets”. She added that now the signatories are “working on the legal foundation for the creation of such a Commission and are developing the basis for the confiscation of Russian assets. After all, the Russian Federation will never agree to voluntarily give up its assets for compensation. So, the foundation should be as strong and legitimate as possible”. The Ministry of Justice of Ukraine stated it will inform the public about the Register’s work and provide free legal assistance in formulating the applications.

In any case, Ukrainian victory is essential for bringing perpetrators and instigators to justice and compensating the victims to the fullest extent possible. Without Ukraine’s ultimate victory and Russia’s defeat, any such mechanisms will remain only plans.

Last year, the production of industrial products in Ukraine fell by 37%. Although there was a slight increase in production at the beginning of 2022, Russia's full-scale war against Ukraine caused colossal losses for Ukraine in this field. Some indicators fell by more than 70% (steel, cast iron, and ferroalloy production), and in 2022, the production of non-ferrous metals was down by 79% compared to 2021. 

ANALYSIS

This negative trend is observed because most of these enterprises have been concentrated in the east and south of Ukraine. These territories have been suffering from active hostilities since the beginning of the full-scale war. In addition, enterprises often do not risk fully resuming work even in areas far from the frontline. After all, with their missile attacks, Russians are seeking to destroy Ukraine’s critical and large production industries. Power outages at the end of 2022 due to the Russian shelling of critical infrastructure also deepened the decline in industrial production.  

A large plant cannot operate from generators and requires a huge amount of electricity. Since the beginning of the war, many industrial enterprises were completely destroyed (for example, Azovstal and Illich Iron and Steel Works in Mariupol which produced 40% of metals in the country). Those that remain are experiencing major logistical problems due to seaport blockages. This results in a decrease in revenues to the country's budget. In the future, such dynamics may lead to deindustrialization and Ukraine's dependence on importing similar goods from other countries, which is more expensive than domestic production. 

Ukraine has great industrial potential. A combination of experience, large territories, and abundant minerals allowed the country to have a high position in the global heavy industry market. Before the full-scale war, the industry worked on mostly old equipment without modernization of production. It is essential to develop an industrial policy for implementation in the post-war period. The industrial potential restoration should occur according to modern European standards. Modernization of industries will increase the efficiency of using the natural resource potential and help form industries with a high degree of mineral processing. In addition, the full-scale war demonstrated the need to reassess the geographical placement of industrial enterprises in the country.  

It is crucial not to concentrate all of the important productions in one area. At the same time, the state should encourage international and domestic investors to return to those territories currently suffering from the Russian invaders. Large plants create many jobs and stimulate economic activity in the areas where they are located. This will accelerate the recovery of the territories and improve their economic climate. Returning investors to the east of the country is a challenging task. However, military risk insurance, easier access to preferential loans and financial programs, tax benefits, and the development of industrial parks may contribute to the return of large enterprises to Dnipropetrovsk, Donetsk, Luhansk, Zaporizhzhia, and other regions. 

Last week, the news about the bribe for the head of the Supreme Court caught the public’s attention. However, during the week, there were also a series of high-profile revelations of corruption of top officials, including notices of suspicions and criminal cases against the owners or top managers of enterprises in the energy sector of Ukraine.

On 15 May, Ukrainian businessman with known pro-Russian views Dmytro Firtash, and eight of his top managers were served with notices of suspicion by the Security Service of Ukraine (SBU), and the gas companies they controlled were searched. This is related to a scheme in which Firtash purchased gas from his own companies, but actually received only 30% of it. The artificial deficit was covered by the unauthorized withdrawal of state gas. Over seven years, the damage this scheme caused to Ukraine’s budget was a loss of UAH (₴) 18 billion (about €500 million).

On 17 May, the Prosecutor General's Office served new notices of suspicion instead of previous ones against the former Minister of Energy and Coal Industry of Ukraine and the former head of the Oil and Gas Department of this Ministry. As high-ranking officials, they are suspected of modifying the contracts for the operation of gas distribution systems, as a result of which, agreements unprofitable for the state were concluded with companies of Dmytro Firtash.

On 16 May, the SBU revealed that the sanctioned Russian oligarch Pavel Fuks engaged in large-scale manipulations around strategic enterprises and systematic tax evasion. Since 2018, he has illegally taken over Ukrainian companies’ assets worth more than ₴100 billion (about €2.5 billion) - a total of 240 assets from enterprises in Ukraine’s energy, machine-building, and metallurgical sectors.

On 16 May, it also became known that the Shevchenkivskyi District Court of Kyiv seized the corporate rights of 72 companies in relation to the assets of pro-Russian oligarch Vadym Novinskyi. Among them are energy, coal mining, oil and gas companies, mining and beneficiation plants.

ANALYSIS

This is part of a wider trend: Ukrainian law enforcement agencies have significantly intensified their actions regarding the investigation of corruption schemes of the owners of energy and other strategically important enterprises in Ukraine. The recent cases concern Ukrainian oligarchs with pro-Russian views (Firtash, Novinskyi), or Russians. In addition to the above-mentioned case of Pavel Fuks, the case of energy company “VS Energy”, which owns several Ukrainian regional energy distribution companies and other strategic companies, attracted attention. 

On 13 May, the President of Ukraine Volodymyr Zelenskyy introduced sanctions against the nominal owners of the energy company VS Energ - one of the largest Ukrainian financial and industrial groups with assets in the energy, metallurgy and real estate sectors. For 20 years, it was considered that the co-owners of VS Energy were Russian businessmen Yevgeniy Giner, Mikhail Voevodin, and long-time Russian State Duma deputy Aleksandr Babakov, who voted for the annexation of Crimea and military aggression against Ukraine. Sanctions were imposed against them at the end of last year, and the shares of companies related to the group were seized by the court. After changes in Ukrainian legislation, which required the disclosure of the ultimate beneficiaries of businesses, the ultimate owners of VS Energy were also revealed. As it turned out, well-known enterprises, which the mass media used to associate with Russian capital, officially belong to the (former) wives and consultants of the specified Russians, but who are already citizens of EU countries.  

From that time to the present, citizens of Latvia and Germany have officially controlled the energy business through a Seychelles company. Back in 2001, VS Energy bought four Ukrainian regional energy companies in Zhytomyr, Kropyvnytskyi, Kherson, and Sevastopol, and later - in Chernivtsi and Odesa. The name - Vychodoslovenske Energeticke Zavody, was given by the country of registration of the company that won the privatization contract — Slovakia. The Slovak group quickly became a very big business in Ukraine. In 2013, it bought two more regional energy companies (Kyivoblenergo and Rivneoblenergo) from the American AES Corporation. By the beginning of 2023, the company owned 10% of the energy market of Ukraine. 

Foreign founders or ultimate beneficiaries are present in 61 energy companies in Ukraine (16.6%). That is, every sixth object of critical infrastructure of the energy sector in Ukraine has foreign capital - behind the names of the nominal owners, you can find disguised corporate control by representatives of the aggressor country. 

Cleaning out Russians and corrupt officials (and the presence of Russians usually equals the presence of corruption) among the owners and management of strategic companies is a good thing. But the process of returning energy assets controlled by citizens of the aggressor state to state ownership had to be started back in 2014. It is of utmost importance that this is implemented successfully now. The initiated process of identifying and recovering or nationalizing Russian shares in Ukrainian energy companies should be accelerated and completed before the start of the new heating season. 

These revelations expose the absurdity of the situation: the missile strikes by the Russian army are destroying the distribution networks on the territory of Ukraine, and they belong to energy companies whose owners are Russian citizens. The company's staff are Ukrainians, and even if the staff are patriotic, all decisions are made by the owner, and therefore quite unpredictable things can happen. Just as with regional gas companies, the state began to gather under one roof regional energy distribution companies controlled by Russians. It created a single state-owned enterprise ("Ukrainian Distribution Networks") consisting of regional energy companies. The processes of privatization or reprivatization may soon be launched. Everything will depend on the professional ability of Ministry of Energy officials to restore order in the industry. It is important to see a general model of management so that it won’t turn out that the newly-created enterprise is headed by one person who manages financial flows under the guise of war. The Ukrainian court already seized the controlling shares of Khersonoblenergo, Kirovohradoblenergo, Zhytomyroblenergo, Rivneoblenergo, and Chernivtsioblenergo, which are part of the VS Energy group. However, the nationalization of these assets has not yet taken place. 

Temporary seizure by court decision does not equal to the confiscation of these assets in favor of the state. Confiscation is possible only in the case of proven guilt. However, it is not known how long this process will take. Therefore, it is planned to seize these assets for the benefit of the state according to the so-called civil procedure - through a lawsuit of the Ministry of Justice to the High Anti-Corruption Court. But for now, the Ministry of Justice is not ready to go to court. 

Ukraine created new mechanisms for the confiscation of Russian assets only a year after Russia's full-scale invasion. However, currently, we can cite only three successful examples when highly influential Russian oligarchs had their property seized, and only two when assets were seized from Russian state structures. Processes are delayed either because of the imperfect organization of the process, or because of deliberate sabotage by individuals. Pro-Kremlin businesses find ways to make money in Ukraine even despite the blockade and the arrests. It is much easier to confiscate the personal property of a Russian official than to nationalize a large enterprise of an oligarch. After all, thousands of people work there, it pays a lot of taxes, and has credit obligations. But war may leave no room for compromise. 

On the morning of 18 May 1944, at 3 am, the Soviet regime initiated a "special operation" in Crimea: the deportation of Crimean Tatars (Sürgünlik) to Central Asia, as well as Siberia and the Ural Mountains region. More than 230,000 people, mostly women, children, and the elderly, were transported in freight trains and cattle wagons away from Crimea. The entire ethnic Crimean Tatar population, as well as smaller ethnic groups of Greeks and Bulgarians, were deported. Tens of thousands of Crimean Tatars died en route, due to hunger, lack of oxygen, and typhus. Many Crimean Tatars died in the first one and a half years of forced exile - numbers vary between 20% and 46%. In Ukraine, 18 May is established as the Day of Remembrance of the Victims of the Genocide of the Crimean Tatar People. The lives of Crimean Tatars took another dark turn when Russia occupied Crimea in 2014.

ANALYSIS

Stalin had accused the entire Crimean Tatar people of mass collaboration with the Nazis, when in fact for the whole period of occupation, between 1941 and 1945, no more than 15,00 ethnic Crimean Tatars served in units affiliated with the Nazi forces (around 6-7% of the Crimean Tatar population), whereas 30,000 were conscripted into the Soviet Army. The Soviet Union had territorial claims against Turkey, and according to some historians, Stalin planned war against it. Therefore the deportations of ethnic minorities from Crimea and Caucasus were conducted - to deport people who could be disloyal to the Soviet regime.  

As soon as the deportation of Crimean Tatars was completed in July 1944, 51,000 people, mostly Russians, received permission to move to the Crimean Peninsula. The Soviet government initiated a campaign calling on Russians to move to Crimea, promising them privileges and providing them with housing – former dwellings of Crimean Tatars.  

On 5 September 1967, the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR issued the Decree "On citizens of Tatar nationality who lived in the Crimea", which annulled the accusations of treason against the Crimean Tatars. However, they were still not allowed return to the peninsula. Mass repatriation began only in 1989, on the eve of the Soviet Union’s collapse.  

Seventy years after the brutal deportation, through occupying Crimea, Vladimir Putin appealed to Crimea’s historical affiliation to Russia as the “spiritual holy land” and “the center of spiritual unity”.  

The processes of total Russification of Crimea, as enacted by Stalin, are taking place nowadays. “Everything that reminds us of the history and culture of the indigenous Crimean Tatar people, everything that reminds us of the history of the Ukrainian state, is being mercilessly destroyed in Crimea today", said Refat Chubarov, the Head of Mejlis of the Crimean Tatar People. 

The occupiers immediately began a campaign of persecution against the Crimean Tatar community, “outlawing” the Crimean Tatar representative body (the Mejlis). “Crimean Tatars in Crimea, and especially those opposing Crimea’s illegal annexation or expressing dissent, are being subjected to numerous patterns of serious violations of human rights, persecution, discrimination, and stigmatization by the Russian occupying authorities. This is further reinforced by a culture of impunity for such violations that is prevalent in the peninsula,” said the Commissioner for Human Rights of the Council of Europe, Dunja Mijatović.  

After Russia’s occupation of Crimea, at least 180 people have been detained as political prisoners, of whom 116 were Crimean Tatars. After the Russian law on discrediting the Russian Armed Forces entered into force on 4 March 2022, at least 150 people have been persecuted in Crimea by the occupation authorities. During the nine years of occupation, about 200,000 people have left the territory of Crimea, stated Tamila Tasheva, the Permanent Representative of the President of Ukraine in the Autonomous Republic of Crimea (ARC). About 30,000 out of them are Crimean Tatars, indicated the Head of Prosecutor’s Office of ARC. “Most of the native inhabitants of Crimea remained to live on their land, secretly helping as the partisans for the AFU”. The “Atesh” movement is one example of this. Crimean Tatar battalions have been active since 2015 - the former volunteer battalion named after Noman Chelebidzhikhan and the Krym (Crimea) battalion which is currently part of the International Legion of Territorial Defense of Ukraine. 

There are diametrically-opposed views among the expert community on the issue of Crimea’s legal status after de-occupation. Pros and cons of autonomy status envisage amendments to the Constitution of Ukraine, and this is not possible before Ukraine’s victory. 

Russia's current war against Ukraine demonstrated the readiness of the democratic world to unite in the fight for freedom and liberal values. However, there are democracies all over the world in need of protection against autocracies willing to challenge international order. One year from the start of full-scale invasion, we introduce you the report “War in Ukraine: Lessons identified and lessons learned“, which analyzes policies and practices that have impacted Ukraine’s resilience in key sectors. Outcomes of this research can be used as recommendations for other democracies building resilience against conventional, hybrid, or other threats (e.g., natural disasters), from Europe to the Pacific.

Thank you.

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