HUMANITARIAN TAKEAWAYS: GERMAN FOREIGN AND HUMANITARIAN POLICY |
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Dear friends of CHA,
Here we are again, after a longer than usual break but with our very best wishes to you for 2023!
We are starting the year with a focus on German humanitarian action. While Germany's humanitarian contribution has significantly grown over the last decade, the research in this field remains limited (which is one of the reasons why CHA started its work in 2019 😊).
Lately, German foreign policy has come under pressure to adapt to mounting challenges. In February 2022, due to the war in Ukraine, German Chancellor Olaf Scholz announced a Zeitenwende, a turning point for Germany's foreign and security policy. Another important development in the German political landscape was the introduction of a feminist foreign policy (FFP) in November 2021. Germany also held the G7 presidency in 2022.
We have therefore selected pieces that deal with these policy developments. More specifically on humanitarian action, this time we are featuring our own research on the international perceptions of German humanitarian action, as well as a list of CHA resources on German humanitarian engagement. In terms of resources, you will also find the recording of and the statements by different actors submitted for the recent public hearing at the German Federal Parliament, where the government’s latest report on its humanitarian assistance between 2018 and 2021 was discussed (in German).
In case you have missed our previous issues, they are all online: Takeaways #1 on gender equality, Takeaways #2 on locally led humanitarian action, Takeaways #3 on anti-racism in aid organisations, Takeaways #4 on the climate crisis, and Takeaways #5 on digital transformation – all in relation to humanitarian action.
We wish you an insightful reading and hope that you find this format helpful! As usual, we would be grateful for your observations or suggestions regarding Humanitarian Takeaways, including references to materials to be included in the future issues.
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Research articles and policy papers |
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By Sonja Hövelmann, research fellow at CHA, and Ralf Südhoff, director of CHA (CHA, 11/2022)
German version of the same article
Article length: 21 pages
(Sub)topics: German humanitarian action; humanitarian policy and strategy; humanitarian principles; Grand Bargain
In this discussion paper, Sonja Hövelmann and Ralf Südhoff examine the international perceptions and expectations regarding German humanitarian engagement, including its specific characteristics, strengths, weaknesses, and potential. This paper is based on a survey of around 200 humanitarian practitioners as well as 37 qualitative semi-structured interviews with experts from donor governments, UN organisations, international and local NGOs, and think tanks.
The research results are divided into 7 categories: 1) the motives and values underlying German humanitarian action; 2) the thematic fields associated with Germany as humanitarian actor; 3) Germany's policy impact and position among the largest donors; 4) Germany's engagement in the Grand Bargain 2.0 process; 5) Germany's process vs policy orientation; 6) Germany's hard vs soft power; 7) the structural and administrative specificities of German humanitarian action, as well as their international perceptions.
The survey data show that more than half of the respondents agree with the statement that Germany is an honest broker, i.e. a value- and principle-orientated donor with the corresponding credibility as mediator and facilitator. When asked what drives Germany's aid allocation, 70% of respondents indicated altruistic motives, while 30% saw transaction-related motives. These survey results were also confirmed by the interviews. With respect to the thematic areas, both the survey and most of the interviews revealed no clear humanitarian sector or policy issue associated with Germany, with the exception of anticipatory action.
Regarding the perceived Germany's policy impact, the survey and the interviews show that participants with good knowledge of German humanitarian action are much more critical of its policy impact, while in comparison with other donors, Germany continues to be attributed a disproportionately low relevance as a player compared to its importance as a payer. Additionally, the interviewees referred to Germany's process-orientation reflected in non-partisan facilitation, and the lacking strategic policy orientation and leadership besides having a financial hard power. The perceived soft power, reflected in e.g. German diplomats' participation and visibility in informal contexts, seems to be lacking, too, and the complex institutional set-up of German institutions also complicate the cooperation with other actors.
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By Bernhard Blumenau (International Affairs, 98:6, 11/2022)
Article length: 19 pages
(Sub)topics: Zeitenwende; foreign policy; security policy; Westbindung; European integration; multilateralism; Ostpolitik; Wandel durch Handel.
In this article, Bernhard Blumenau discusses the core implications of the Olaf Scholz' Zeitenwende speech. Blumenau examines how Zeitenwende affects the major traditional characteristics of Germany's foreign policy.
With respect to Westbindung (integration into the West) and European integration, the author argues that Zeitenwende 'reconfirmed Germany’s commitment to the West' (p. 1900): 'With his speech, Scholz underlined Berlin’s commitment to European defence, NATO and interoperability with the allies, and he thus cemented Germany’s place among the western nations.' Additionally, Zeitenwende reaffirmed the EU's importance for Germany, calling it Germany's 'framework for action'.
Multilateralism, the rules-based international order, and NATO membership – another important pillar of German foreign policy – was also reconfirmed. With regard to the latter, Blumenau argues that '[...] Zeitenwende actively revived Germany’s commitment to and support for NATO. With it, the government accepted the changed security landscape and the resurrected possibility of large-scale war in Europe” (Blumenau, 2022, p. 1903).
As far as Germany's traditionally hesitant leadership (not a complete lack of it, though) is concerned, Scholz promised more decisive action to secure and defend Europe. However, the speech focused on the changes that Germany itself needed and lacked a new vision for Europe. According to Blumenau, '[t]o date, then, and despite Zeitenwende, Germany remains a hesitant leader – at best' (p. 1905).
Regarding Ostpolitik and Wandel durch Handel (transformation through trade), Blumenau argues that 'the notion of ever closer economic ties with Russia was the Achilles heel of Ostpolitik' (p. 1906): instead of liberalising Russia and deterring Putin from aggressive power politics, it increased Germany's dependence on Russian gas and other raw materials, and thus restricted Germany's room for manoeuvre in 2022. According to Blumenau, 'Ostpolitik is the German foreign policy tradition in which Zeitenwende will necessitate the most fundamental changes' (p. 1908). Wandel durch Handel is also 'discredited' (p. 1908) and might change Germany's China policy, too.
Lastly, there has been a shift – although 'not [...] a complete U-turn' (p. 1911) – in terms of Germany's non-military foreign policy. In his speech, Scholz underscored the importance of an effective military in countering the Russian aggression, while at the same time recognising the importance of diplomacy.
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By Heinrich Böll Stiftung et al. (08/2022)
(Eng. 'Approaching a feminist foreign policy in Germany')
Article length: 25 pages
(Sub)topics: feminist foreign policy; Germany; humanitarian action; migration; gender-based violence
This policy brief was written by Gunda-Werner-Institut, Care, Greenpeace, medica mondiale, WILPF, Owen, Deutscher Frauenrat, Plan International, Polis 18, Women for Women International, AMICA, The Canaan Project, Frauennetzwerk für Frieden, Deutscher Frauenring, UN Women Deutschland, Rescue, The United Nations Association of Germany (DGVN), and the Centre for Feminist Foreign Policy (CFFP).
This policy brief sets out how a feminist foreign policy (FFP) should be coherently institutionalised in Germany, anchored in the budget, and implemented in the following areas: peace negotiations and multilateralism; disarmament and arms control; trade policy; development cooperation; humanitarian action; migration; combating sexual and gender-based violence; and climate policy.
In the area of humanitarian action, this policy brief underlines the importance of gender transformative approaches in humanitarian action which strengthen the active participation and leadership role of women and marginalised groups in decision-making processes, as well as promote their access to resources. This is key as local and national women's rights and LGBTIQA+ organisations and activists best understand the needs of affected people, provide essential services, advocate for the rights of women, girls, and marginalised groups, and are best placed to challenge unequal power relations and harmful gender norms.
According to this policy brief, Germany should therefore fund gender transformative approaches and significantly increase its financial support for sexual and reproductive health and rights – including access to safe, legal and free abortions – as well as for the prevention of gender-based violence and assistance to survivors. Local women's organisations should be given access to long-term flexible funding, and the German funding guidelines should be adapted to enable uncomplicated funding of small local organisations.
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News, blogs, and opinion articles |
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By Marina Zapf, correspondent (welt-sichten, 05/12/2022)
(Eng. German G7 Presidency: 'Awareness of participation is underdeveloped')
In this article, Marina Zapf discusses the German civil society’s position with respect to German government's efforts during its G7 presidency this year, and the role of civil society actors in the process. Civil society stakeholders are disappointed with the German government's efforts during its G7 presidency this year, as they say Germany has failed to advance the substance of important issues such as international cooperation on tax justice and climate finance. Additionally, in their advocacy work, actors like Civil7, Women7 or Youth7 encounter very different readiness on the part of the federal ministries to take civil society positions into account. The German umbrella organisation VENRO, which consists of NGOs working within development cooperation and humanitarian aid, therefore calls on the German government and the G7 to strengthen the dialogue with civil society.
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By Philipp Rotmann, director of the Global Public Policy Institute (GPPi) (Internationale Politik Quarterly, 11/10/2022)
German version of the same article
In this article, Philipp Rotmann argues that an effective feminist foreign policy must go beyond symbolic signals and small efforts. At the same time, feminist foreign policy 'must not be a preachy foreign policy, self-righteously judging the lives of people elsewhere from the standpoint of wealthy, white Germany' – especially given that Germany does not in fact have a feminist domestic policy. The extent and priorities of Germany's feminist foreign policy need to be clarified – e.g. in terms of pacifism, disarmament, women's quotas within peace negotiations that are funded by Germany. To build a viable feminist foreign policy, it must be adequately institutionalised, which includes addressing Germany's poor staffing of its representations abroad. This way, there would be more staff to develop feminist strategies, as well as to carry out proper context analysis in order to listen to the people affected by issues.
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Interview with Vladimir Handl, senior associate at the Institute of International Relations Prague (POLITIKUM, 03/2022)
(Eng. 'Thinking ahead to the Zeitenwende')
In this interview, researcher Vladimir Handl speaks about Germany's role in international politics, its power position, Zeitenwende, earlier policy towards Russia, and current support to Ukraine. According to Handl, Germany is an 'enabling power' acting as an honest broker in the EU political process. Although it has a lot of influence, especially in the Eurozone, in terms of military security some perceive Germany as a free rider. Regarding Germany's earlier Russia policy, Handl assesses it as an attempt to both pacify Russia and serve its own economic interests, while ignoring the warnings of many Central Eastern Europeans. With respect to supporting Ukraine, Germany is doing almost everything that is necessary but does not come out of the catch-up mode and seems to believe more in Putin's escalation mania than in Ukraine's victory. Despite the announcement of Zeitenwende, Handl so far sees little political will for new strategic thinking and argues that Germany must undertake a more active role when tackling global issues.
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Anhörung im Parlamentsausschuss für Menschenrechte und humanitäre Hilfe
(Eng.: Hearing at the German Federal Parliament on the German government’s latest humanitarian assistance report)
On 23 January 2023, a public hearing at the German Federal Parliament's Committee on Human Rights and Humanitarian Aid took place to discuss the German government’s latest report on its humanitarian assistance from 2018 to 2021. Eight experts, including CHA Director Ralf Südhoff, were invited to share their assessments during the hearing, as well as in their written statements submitted beforehand (only in German).
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Global Public Policy Institute (GPPi)
49security is a project of the Global Public Policy Institute (GPPi) aimed at accompanying the German government’s National Security Strategy development process. Applying a broad understanding of security, 49security offers space for diverse views on how Germany can better position itself in the rapidly changing world. Specifically on humanitarian action, we recommend the podcast episode on crisis prevention and West Africa with Deike Potzel, Director General for Crisis Prevention, Stabilisation, Peace Building and Humanitarian Assistance of the German Federal Foreign Office, and Ingo Herbert, Germany's Ambassador to the Republic of Côte d'Ivoire.
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